Casabe Sabe

An old salsa song about casabe.

Columbus JRPG

Although we will likely never play this game, Gnosis on Youtube had an interesting video about it. Released for the NES in Japan, this game about Christopher Columbus seems to have been part of the broader fervor around the 500 year anniversary of the 1492 Voyage. According to Gnosis, the game actually features very little of Columbus's voyages in the Americas, and Native Americans only appear briefly. Nonetheless, it is intriguing to think that the complex legacy of Columbus even impacted the world of Japanese video games at the time.

Echagoian and Indios of Hispaniola (c.1568)

Whilst perusing old sources from the 1500s on Hispaniola, Puerto Rico and Cuba, we came across the 1568 Relación de la Isla Española by Echagoian. In addition to providing its readers with an overview of conditions on the island of Hispaniola in the 1560s, the document also mentioned areas with pockets of Indian, or indigenous, residents. According to Echagoian, besides the island of Mona (between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico) with its 50 indios, there were Indians living near La Yaguana and La Vega (but not in pueblos). The former, which also included some large sugar plantations at this time, is interesting. The African slaves subsisted on yuca, cultivated in the indigenous manner in mounds, suggesting the Amerindian ways were foundational to the dietary evolution of all people on the island. Anyway, it's interesting to see mention of indios living apart in western Hispaniola during this time. Earlier, in 1563, indios were suspected of living apart by Cabo San Nicolas as well as Cabo Tiburon. 

Guao and Early Skin Whitening in Colonial Hispaniola

Whilst rereading Oviedo and Las Casas on the indigenous people of Hispaniola and the Antilles, we came across the root or plant, guao. According to Las Casas, guao was a tree in the eastern part of Hispaniola used to make a poison for arrows. Oviedo, who came to Hispaniola later than Las Casas, described in more detail how guao was a skin irritant, but did not know if it was used as a poison by the Indians. However, unlike Las Casas, he described one disturbing use of guao by Indian woman of the island. Oviedo noted that Indian woman were using guao as the base for a skin whitening paste or cream, mixing it with other ingredients so it would be less harmful to their skin. Supposedly, Indian woman of the island were "jealous" of white Spanish women and, in a desire to meet the beauty standards of the colonial society, used this guao cream to whiten their skin. Since Oviedo was already biased against indigenous peoples of the island, one wonders if he may have misunderstood something or wanted his readers to believe some Indian women would believe their natural skin color inferior to that of whites. Either way, it is quite revealing about the role of skin color and the early history of skin whitening in the Caribbean.

Behechio in 1495

Whilst perusing old documents from early colonial Hispaniola, we came across something we somehow forgot about. According to a 1495 list of items given (and seized) by the Spaniards and brought to Spain, Xaragua's cacique, Behechio gifted gold and objects covered with gold to Cristobal de Torres. What is most interesting about this is that Behechio did not give Xaragua's better-known products, cotton or cotton goods, to the Admiral. Presumably this was due to his understanding that the Spaniards preferred gold above all. So, instead of naguas, hammocks, cotton, macanas, ropa de pluma or other objects highly valued by Xaragua's elite, gold and objects featured gold encrustrations were given. It is a pity the source does not indicate what the figure covered by gold was. Was it a cemi object? And was he simply engaging in this because the Spaniards had defeated his brother-in-law, Caonabo?

Xaragua in the Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo

Although written in the 1760s and often unclear with some of the sources for its claims, Luis Joseph Peguero's Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo contains some useful allusions to the history of Xaragua. While he seems to largely rely on Las Casas, Oviedo and Herrera, some of the references to Xaragua appear to be unique in Peguero's work. Keeping in mind that he incorrectly identified Anacaona as a wife of the ruler of Xaragua (and misrepresented her as a sister of Caonabo), Peguero's work is nonetheless worth a second look for those interested in Xaragua.

First, Peguero identified items besides cotton and casabe as tribute of Xaragua to the Spanish. For instance, salt and brazil wood were also identified as items of value by the Spanish. In addition, one finds specific caciques named who ruled areas where salt and brazil wood were plentiful. For the former, a cacique named Guanaconel, in the area of Neyba, allegedly ruled a domain which included a salt mine. For brazil wood, a cacique identified as Mateguana, ruled somewhere in the Banda del Sur (presumably located near the future settlement of Yaquimo?). Cabo de Tiburon and the principal lake of Xaragua also had brazil wood. An additional cacique at the time of Ovand, Aybanes, was said to have ruled the area near this large lake. 

Peguero also gives some figures for the vassal caciques of Xaragua and its soldiers. One is undoubtedly inflated, putting the number of warriors at the disposal of Xaragua at 20,000 when he first crossed paths with the Adelantado by the Neyba River. Peguero similarly suggests Xaragua had 32 cacique vassals. It's principal settlement, or capital, allegedly had multiple plazas with trees to provide shade. One is left unsure if the over 80 caciques serving under Anacaona at the time of Ovando's slaughter was perhaps due to Indians from other parts of Hispaniola fleeing to Xaragua beforehand or if this attests to the discrepancies in the Spanish sources. 

Last, but certainly not least, Peguero also wrote about Xaragua's fall. Putting the blame for the massacre on Sebastian de Biloria, who falsely accused Anacaona of plotting against Ovando, Peguero suggests Ovando late felt remorse for the brutal killings.  Indeed, Anacaona was also said to understand and speak some Spanish and harbor a legitimate desire for baptism. If Peguero's story is reliable, it would appear that Biloria had wanted Anacaona to side with him in a plot against Ovando and the colonial government. Once Ovando fell for Biloria's lie, however, her fate was sealed. Without Roldan as a counterweight to the colonial government (and despite his abuses) and with the treacherous method used by Ovando to eliminate Xaragua's political elite, the most powerful cacicazgo on the island was neutralized as a threat to the colonial system. The fall of Xaragua's capital, unsurprisingly, was followed by the defeat of Haniguayagua and La Guababa. The seed of Xaragua later arose to threaten the colonial regime for several years in the revolt of a cacique, Enriquillo, whose movement centered in the Bahoruco contributed to the depopulation of Yaquimo and Salvatierra de la Sabana. Indeed, Enriquillo, whose wife, Mensia Bauruco, was the said to have been the daughter of a cacique named Baurucos. Enriquillo was said to have under his command 6 captains with 70 warriors each, plus Tamayo. 

Of course, Peguero also wrote about each of the other cacicazgos and their dissolution. Some general comments on the "Taino" can also be found. Echoing chroniclers like Las Casas, we learn of the Taino penchant for trade and exchange (as well as the use of eggs, corn and supposedly cacao in buying and selling). The Taino calendar system, apparently lunar and beginning the year in spring, was also discussed. The stars, believed to be deceased Indians and bright stars former caciques, snippets of Taino cosmology are revealed in a way that is somewhat more respectful than the condescending remarks that focus on Taino idolatry and superstition. 

Cacicazgo Among the Aborigines of the West Indies

Although Ricardo Alegria's dated MA thesis at the University of Chicago was written in the 1940s, there are still useful nuggets of information and references to be found. Reflecting the time in which he wrote, Alegria's thesis examines the cacique, or chief, of the Taino of the Antilles as a development that represents the zenith of indigenous Caribbean political organization and culture. This is demonstrated through a lengthy review of the cultural sequences of the pre-colonial Caribbean, encompassing the Archaic, Sub-Taino, Taino, and Caribs. Unsurprisingly, Alegria uses both archaeological and textual sources (mainly the chroniclers, especially Las Casas and Oviedo) to emphasize the unequal, hierarchical aspects of Taino chiefdoms based on social stratification/social class differentiation, religion (including the cemification of deceased H, and administrative functions. 

Like more recent scholars, Alegria identified the clear link between the rise of caciques as paramount chiefs and religion in its more elaborate aspects. Furthermore, material culture demonstrates this through some types of cemis, as well as the burial customs for caciques, their roles as mediators between their subjects and the cemis, and the ceremonial, judicial, diplomatic, and military roles played by caciques. Indeed, if one goes by the chronicles, particularly Las Casas, then at least what Irving Rouse referred to as the "Classic Taino" of Puerto Rico, Hispaniola, and eastern Cuba developed stratified chiefdoms with the clearest evidence for social inequality. Since Oviedo, Las Casas, Enciso, Peter Martyr, Colombus, Pane, and others were either able to witness Taino chiefdoms themselves or, at the bare minimum, receive reports from those who had, one suspects that at least on Hispaniola, and perhaps eastern Cuba, chiefdoms developed that approximated the highly stratified society described by Alegria. Indeed, if one can rely on Las Casas, this must have occurred in areas like eastern Cuba, where the conquering "Taino" enslaved the previous residents, albeit treating the descendants of the conquered groups almost like their own.

Of course, scholarship on the issue has changed with newer excavations, reinterpretations of the Spanish documentary sources, and new techniques and technology used by archaeologists. That said, even the Spanish sources themselves, especially Las Casas, acknowledged that some cacicazgos of the Caribbean were not highly developed polities or lordships ruled by paramount chiefs. And like future scholars, a young Alegria may have correctly observed that possible Mesoamerican influences on the "Taino" reached Hispaniola and Puerto Rico indirectly, via South America. One wonders if recent scholars would suggest that Alegria should have looked more closely at the isthmo-Colombian region here, particularly with regard to guanin. Likewise, one wonders if his assumption that the Ciguayo Indians of Hispaniola spoke another Arawakan language may have been incorrect. 

Haiti and Peru

Whilst perusing old issues of Haiti Sun via the Digital Library of the Caribbean, we came across some interesting articles mentioning Haiti-Peru relations. Although it is a topic we hope to revisit at at later date, we found it intriguing to see press coverage of Haiti's relations with this important Andean nation. In the first picture, Ade, Haiti's envoy, presents his credentials to the Peruvian president, Odria, in 1950. 

In the second picture, from a 1956 article in the same newspaper, Perez Saez, the Peruvian ambassador to Haiti, is featured. Peru was in the Haitian journal because of celebrations of Peruvian independence that took place in Petionville. We would like to explore relations between the two nations, extending back as far as possible. Haiti's historical relations with South American countries is often ignored except for the contributions of Haitians to Bolivar and independence movements. What happened after that?

The Incas

The 2nd edition of Terence D'Altroy's The Incas is a nice overview of scholarship on the Incas written ten years ago. Drawing on various disciplines and new (at the time) research by archaeologists, linguists, art historians, historians, and ethnographers, D'Altroy's study provides a nearly complete overview of this major Andean civilization. Indeed, the author even endeavored to include more Andean modes of thinking and perspectives in the work, too. For those of us who are still novices toiling in the beginning stages of Inca historical research, this is all fascinating and useful for the bibliographical references. It is also interesting to compare it with overviews of the Inca from past scholars. For instance, Malpass's far shorter introduction from the 1990s, emphasizes more of the negative impact of Inca labor tribute obligations imposed on subject peoples than D'Altroy. Intriguingly, the linguistic evidence used by the author recalls Peace Garcia's theory of an Aymara origin of the title, Inca. Moreover, drawing on Bauer's excavations and research in the Cuzco heartland does suggest an earlier period of Inca political expansion that is not reliably elucidated in the Spanish chronicles drawing on late, imperial Inca History. Indeed, even the standard story of Pachacuti's defeat of the Chankas does not appear justified based on archaeological evidence on this people. 

A History of the Khipu

Galen Brokaw's A History of the Khipu endeavors to outline the known history of the khipu through an interdisciplinary approach. Such an approach is necessary given the fact that there is so much to the khipu that is unknown or poorly understood. By drawing from various disciplines like anthropology, history, literacy studies, media studies, theories of Quechua ontology of numbers, and archaeology, one can surmise certain features of the khipu. Indeed, by viewing khipu as a medium with different genre conventions across time and place, Brokaw's review of the history of this particular non-alphabetic medium can emphasize its semiotic heterogeneity over the longue durée. This encompasses all that is known of pre-Hispanic Andean khipu as well as the survival and transformation of khipu in the colonial and independence eras. 

Perhaps most important for our interests is the emphasis on growing sophistication of khipu for recording different types of information in the Wari and Inca empires. Earlier forms of Andean semiosis through Wari architectural, Moche inscribed beans, yupana counting boards and textile patterns of the Wari civilization are all significant, but with the rise of larger, imperial political systems in the Andean region, the need for different types of khipu to record information necessary for the bureaucracy became paramount. While the Wari khipu are not the same as that of the Inca, who may have developed even more genre conventions such as imperial khipu historiographical "texts" and more refined census, tribute, and calendrical khipu, there does appear to be a correlation between more developed khipu literacies and state formation and administrative needs. This is not to deny the earlier forms of semiosis through features like inscribed beans analyzed by Brokaw in the early chapter on the Moche.

After the Spanish conquest, khipu use persisted. However, with the demise of the Inca political system, certain genres, like historiographical khipu used for recounting the past of the Inca rulers, gradually disappeared. Khipu genres used for census purposes or recording tribute, however, were used by the Spanish colonial system. These genres provided necessary information for the system of encomiendas and the visitas across various regions of the Andes. Of course, the khipu had to be adapted since the Spanish tribute system was not the same as that of the Inca one. Moreover, despite past scholarship's emphasis on the Third Lima Council's alleged "ban" on khipu, Brokaw cites numerous sources (Jesuit and other) on the use of confessional khipu or khipu use promoted by the Church to further evangelize the Indians. This suggests that khipu was never banned outright, despite some discomfort or hesitation about "idolatrous khipu" used for the worship of huacas or unease about the prominence of indigenous community leaders in carrying out Church functions. Nonetheless, it becomes quite clear that khipu use continued throughout the colonial period. 

After 1650, clear references to the khipu in the colonial archive become rare. Brokaw elucidates this pattern quite well, demonstrating that it was due to the colonial state relying less on the types of information supplied by the khipu, the growth of alphabetic literacy among indigenous communities, and the dissolution of indigenous community organizations based on indigenous principles. Brokaw additionally explains why the way pastoral khipu are used today in parts of the Andes may differ from the khipu of the Inca era. In short, many scholars ignore the diversity in genre of khipu, and the role of a large state system in codifying certain types of khipu genres for its purposes. Once the Inca state disappeared, these types of khipu records gradually dissolved with it, leaving behind local khipu records of the genre used by indigenous communities for keeping track of camelid herds or recording tribute obligations.

Finally, Brokaw seems less confident about the possibility of fully cracking the "code" of khipu. Given the diversity of genres and how perhaps the most complex narrative khipu seem to have disappeared by the 1600s, the "code" for cracking one genre of khipu may not be useful for "reading" other genres. Each genre followed its own conventions, and historians and archaeologists will have to uncover more khipu artifacts, colonial-era transcriptions, or other types of evidence to fully understand this highly complex medium.