Joseph-François-de-Sales comte d'Oulry Ingrandes

While perusing Moreau de Saint-Méry's vast encyclopedia, we came across reference to yet another colon who wrote about the island's indigenous peoples. In this case, Joseph-François-de-Sales comte d'Oulry Ingrandes, is said to have composed a mémoires sur les coutumes et les cultes des naturels de Saint-Domingue that may have been lost. This author was also also affiliated with the Cercle des Philadelphes in the colony, and presumably followed and contributed to that scholarly organization's research and collection of indigenous antiquities. What surprised us, however, was this man's marriage to Anne-Barbe Buttet. Anne-Barbe Buttet, daughter of Louis-Marin Buttet, was a cousin of a mixed-race woman who married a Cangé and lived in the Bainet-Jacmel area in the 18th century. Saint-Domingue truly was a small world...

Indian Sites in Haiti

Whilst perusing Moreau de Saint–Méry's well-known Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de l'isle Saint Domingue online, we decided to list all the areas of modern-day Haiti he mentioned as containing evidence of the island's indigenous inhabitants, usually bones, pottery, petroglyphs, or tools, or ancient bohio grounds. Several of the areas mentioned by the author are well-known, but, alas, Haiti has not received the degree of archaeological excavations one would like. Below are most of the colonial-era parishes and, when possible, towns or regions in which a pre-Columbian past was evident or deduced by Moreau de Saint–Méry. Needless to say, there were likely other sites not mentioned by the author or unknown to him. Some were possibly located in thr general areas where the Spanish-founded towns in western Hispaniola were established (Yaquimo, Lares de Guahaba, Sabana de Salvatierra, La Yaguana, Puerto Real). For example, a cacique whose named included Miraguana was listed in the 1514 Repartimiento, suggesting the area of Miragoane likely had an Indian population. Furthermore, the area of the lakes east of Port-au-Prince and near the border with the Spanish colony probably hosted a large population in precolonial times. Archaeologists in the 20th century have, of course, identified a number of sites such as En Bas Saline (possibly the site of Guacanagaric's capital) and indigenous villages in La Gonave, Île-à-Vache and Fort-Liberté. 

Plaisance: Indian hatchets, pots, and an indigenous man's head were found in 1727 by Lovet.

Arcahaye: Was a settlement of the Xaragua cacicazgo.

Les Cayes plain: at Habitation Walsh, Indian ceramics found.

Limbé: Petroglyphs carved into a rock described. Indian "fetishes" also sighted near habitation Chabaud.

Vallières: remains of Indian tools found in mountains, as well as the tomb of a cacique identified in 1787 (said to have "hieroglyphics").

L'Acul: Near the Sacquenville sucrerie Indian tombs described, with "fetishes" and shells. 

Aquin: Indian "fetishes" of wood and bones, pots, and shells indicate the presence of a small settlement at Davezac de Castera habitation.

Anse-à-Veau: Caves that seem to have been worked by human hands (ambiguous reference).

Cayes de Jacmel: Peninsula formed by Cascade and La Bioche indicate vestiges of Indian settlements, including tools, cave sites, figures carved out of lambi shell and "fetishes" in the area. Ardouin's geographical work of Haiti also suggests the Spanish worked the mines in this area (iron and copper). 

Grand-Goâve: Habitation Charles had Indian-built retrenchment. A Spanish-period settlement here was destroyed in the 1590s.

Jérémie: Human bones from Indians, Indian remains found in caves. Supposedly an ancient Indian sculpture of stone with 4 women carved in it was discovered as Fonds-Rouges.

Gonaives: Cave site with human bones reported.

Port-à-Piment: vestiges of ancient carbet or Indian home found, with human bones. 

Bainet: Gris-Gris area has evidence of Indian past, human remains found.

Quartier Morin: Indian bones, tools, and fetishes reported. Habitation Duplaa had more.

Léogâne: Fetishes and human figures reported. The French town was founded in the general vicinity of the earlier La Yaguana town of the Spanish colonial period, itself built after the depopulation of Santa Maria de la Vera Paz, the colonial town founded after the destruction of the Xaragua cacicazgo by Ovando. 

Dondon: Voûte-à-Minguet described in detail, site important to indigenous residents.

Petite-Anse: hatchets, Indian "fetishes" found at Bonnet à l'Evêque. Moreau de Saint–Méry believed Guacanagaric's capital was at the site of the town.

Limonade: Indian tools commonly found.

Borgne: Caverns and gorges with human bones, phalluses, vessels and "fetishes" reported. Cave site in area visited by Arthaud in 1777, who took a black cup from the cave site. 

Cavaillon: Morne Bleu cave had "fetishes" from Indian period.

Tiburon: "Fetishes" and caverns with human bones reported in the area.

Saint-Marc: In c.1737, Indian "idols" and tools were found at a plantation at Bas de l'Artibonite.

Port-Salut: "Fetishes" found in the area, as well as other indigenous artifacts.

Bainet's Precolumbian Past

While perusing Nicolson's Essai sur l'histoire naturelle de l'isle de Saint-Domingue , avec des figures en taille-douce on Gallica, we found an interesting allusion to the indigenous past in Bainet parish. According to Nicolson, in the Gris-Gris quarter of the parish, a cave site on one habitation indicated past use by the "Taino" to bury their dead. Nicolson himself visited the site in 1773 and brought back human remains while also noticing the larger number of bones. Supposedly, the area was used as a refuge by the Indian population to escape the Spanish. No source is given for this, but it is interesting to hear about the indigenous past in this part of the island. 

"Taino" Oral Tradition in Colonial Puerto Rico

Whilst perusing Observations météorologiques et physiques sur St.-Domingue. Description du Rio-del-Oro, ou Rivière d'Or de Christophe Colomb. Découverte des mines d'or par cet amiral. Renseignemens sur les trésors du cacique Caonabo. Origine des peuples d'Amérique. Description de leur berceau. Ages des deux mondes. Numéro 6 / . Par un cultivateur de la Haute-Saône on Gallica, we came across an interesting allusion to "Taino" oral traditions conserved in Puerto Rico centuries after the conquest. Of course, one cannot take this claim at face value from the anonymous author, but it is interesting that he claims to have heard from people in Puerto Rico that oral traditions, passed down through song, mentioned a bearded people who visited the island before the Spanish. However, since we do not a clear date when this was written (sometime in the late 1700s or beginning of the 19th century) and it is not clear who wrote this, it is difficult to explore this. Where in Puerto Rico did he hear this? Who told him this? When exactly was he in Puerto Rico? Wouldn't someone like Abbad y Lasierra have been in a better position to report on this tradition, assuming it is true?

Charles Arthaud and the "Taino"

Antiquities of the "Taino" in Nicolson's Essai sur l'histoire naturelle de A. Domingue

While perusing works relevant to the topic of the "Taino" again, we came across short pamphlets and writings on the "Taino" by a prominent doctor, Charles Arthaud. The brother-in-law of Moreau de Saint-Mery, Arthaud was also an important member of the Cercle des Philosophes in what is now Cap-Haitien. Some of his writings touched upon archaeological, historical and ethnological questions, such as the indigenes of Saint Domingue. This interest expressed by French and creole intellectuals in the island's indigenous past, just on the eve of the Haitian Revolution, fascinates us for several reasons. Arthaud also seemed to be interested in exploring the role of environment and natural history on human development, often falling back on the perhaps intellectually lazy notion that the environment in which the indigenous population lived was less challenging and therefore the autochthonous peoples did not have the motivation to further develop their society. 

Amazingly, the Cercle in Okap apparently had a collection of Indian antiquities and an audience of readers and listeners who wanted to uncover more of the island's lost indigenous population. Second, Arthaud pushes back against Charlevoix's contradictions to focus on the "Taino" as a people like others of similar stages of development. Thus, they were not savage, indolent, or utterly lacking in industry, agriculture, and the arts. While it is indeed true they lacked iron and advanced metallurgy, Arthaud's Recherches sur la constitution des naturels du pays, sur leurs arts, leur industrie, et les moyens de leur subsistance provides numerous examples of 'Taino" technical and artistic achievement in canoe construction, the fabrication of cemis, the construction of duhos, political organization through caciques and a system of agriculture that provided adequate sustenance for the population. If they were so primitive, lazy, or backwards, why would they have a complex subsistence economy including agriculture, fishing, and hunting? And their religion, dismissed by Charlevoix and early Spanish sources, is seen to be something similar to other peoples in a similar "stage" of development. Another work by Arthaud on the "Taino" even goes so far as to argue that they possessed a cult of the phallus equivalent to the lingam of India or similar rites and ceremonies in ancient Egypt or Greece. Indeed, even the bohitis achieved some degree of knowledge with regards to herbs and plants useful for medicinal purposes.

Of course, our main interest with regard to Arthaud is the "why" behind this interest. Just a scholarly interest related to the general scientific mission of the Cercle and Enlightenment anthropology? Or was it a reflection of the growing identification with Creole-ness by Saint Dominguans by the second half of the 18th century? Was the criticism of Spain's genocide perhaps also, indirectly, related to criticism of France with regard to the autonomist leanings of some in Saint Domingue's white population? One wonders if Arthaud's interest in the relationship between the environment and populations may have motivated his interest in the indigenous population. According to a footnote in Recherches sur la constitution des naturels du pays, he planned to follow that publication with another on the creoles of the island and their constitution in relation to their environment. Although ostensibly related to Arthaud's medical interests, one wonders if his comparison of Creoles and Indian constitutions and their rapports was also partly motivated by a growing Creole self-identification with the land. And though there is no evidence that free blacks or "mulattoes" in the colony participated in or followed this discourse, perhaps it influenced the Creoles of color who may have also appropriated the island's indigenous past to vindicate their own autonomist and nationalist sentiments. 

Juan de Espinosa and Pedro de Espinosa

While perusing an article by Burset Flores on the pattern of men marrying local women from established families to become wealthy in colonial Puerto Rico, we dug a little deeper into the origins of one woman involved in such a marriage. According to his research, this woman, Juana Manso de Espinosa, was a descendant (granddaughter) of Pedro de Espinosa, a regidor of San Juan and son of an early poblador of the island, Juan de Espinosa. Juan de Espinosa was apparently the recipient of an encomienda of 50 Indios (30, according to Esteban Mira Caballos) in 1511, supposedly from the territory of the cacique Azmia. Pedro de Espinosa, his son, also led one of the raids on the territory of the cacique Orocoviz in 1513, according to Moscoso's Caciques, aldeas y población taína de Boriquén (Puerto Rico), 1492-1582. By 1530, according to the "census" of de Lando (which enumerated vecinos, slaves, and "free" Indians in San Juan and San German), Pedro de Espinosa had 6 Indian slaves (non-native) and 17 naborias. While the census of 1530 was hardly an adequate tally of the total population of the island, it is clear that Pedro de Espinosa, who may have inherited the encomienda Indians of his father, had less than half of the total Indians his father supposedly received in 1511 from Ponce de Leon. 

The demographic collapse of the indigenous population was likely following similar trends already evident in Hispaniola by 1514. One also cannot avoid acknowledging the huge imbalance in gender ratios among the population on the island, with Julio Damiani Cósimi's Estratificación social, esclavos y naborías en el Puerto Rico minero del siglo XVI. La información de Francisco Manuel de Lando. Ensayo de cuantificación y transcripción paleográfica finding disproportionately male slaves in San Juan and San German for both Amerindian and Africans. Presumably, since the Spanish were used to slavery and concubinage even before the conquests in the Antilles, many of the vecinos and other white men had indigenous and African women as partners. Indeed, some vecinos were even married to indigenous women (although not to the same extent as the 1514 Albuquerque Repartimiento of Hispaniola revealed). Julio Damiani Cósimi's transcription of the "census" indicates this gender imbalance and how Puerto Rico was already a slave society by 1530. It was this disturbing basis of wealth and power that paved the way for a soldier named Francisco Delgado to marry into money and status in the second half of the 16th century.

Boutou of the Kalinago

The above is a beautiful example of a Kalinago club, or boutou, from Sieur de la Borde's well-known Relation. Like the Taino macana, these weapons were considered by Europeans to be very dangerous. They also had ritual and political connotations. The intricate and elaborate pattern on the above boutou shows the degree to which the Kalinago imbued different aesthetic and possibly political considerations into this powerful weapon. It is of interest that Breton's dictionary of the Kalinago language indicated the use of the word boutou to signify captain or leader, clearly reflected in European sources describing captains with the finest, largest, or most beautiful clubs as markers of their status. As proof of how dangerous these weapons could be, one of our distant European ancestors was nearly killed by "Caribs" who attacked the southern coast of Puerto Rico in the 1560s. According to Burset Flores, Delgado was left for dead by the "Caribs" and received a wound that was likely from their clubs. 

Bainet in 1730

Looking at ANOM's digitized collection of Saint Domingue census material brought our attention to this detailed 1730 census. Bainet's population in that year is enumerated separately from Jacmel, so one can see exactly who was living in the area in that year. Of course, some of the information must be interpreted carefully, as with all censuses. What is interesting is that only 12 free black and mulatto persons were enumerated, although there were likely additional free people of color who may have been counted as white in 1730 (besides, women seem to be excluded from that total). In total, Bainet had 700 slaves in this year, with 325 male adults and 138 enslaved women. Among the enslaved children, only 168 were counted while the infirm were about 69. Bainet also had the smallest slave population in the Jacmel quartier, which is not too surprising. For the entire quartier, only Jacmel possessed a sucrerie so indigoteries were the main type of plantation. However, Bainet did have more cotton than Cayes de Jacmel and, presumably, Jacmel. 

It is clear that Bainet at this stage was still a developing area in terms of the colony's slave-based plantation model. Indigo and cotton were profitable, but one can see that the white population, which reached a total of about 168 people, was not outnumbered by the slave population to the same extreme degree like in other parts of the colony. Of course, part of the "white" population were likely mixed-race people, but we are still talking about a region with a less "developed" plantation economy than Jacmel and Cayes de Jacmel, with only 57 indigoteries to 101 in Cayes de Jacmel or 147 in Jacmel. Of course, the adult enslaved laboring population in Bainet was lower than that of the other two parishes in the quarter, only 463 out of the total 2,263 (20.46%). 

Early Yaquimo

Although our beloved Bainet during the French colonial period and Haitian era is quite distinct from the earlier Spanish colonial period, we believe a holistic view of the history of our region must include the Spanish and precolonial periods. As part of this process, we would like to share some lists of caciques from the Yaquimo (Jacmel under the Spanish) area included in the Albuquerque Repartimiento of 1514. The tables are by Luis Arranz Marquez's Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española: el repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514. Of course, a lengthy period of time between the eventual abandonment of Yaquimo during Spanish rule and the French establishment of Bainet in 1698 means there is likely no direct continuity from the earlier period. Indeed, some sources point to the depopulation of the town of Yaquimo by 1520 (along with that of Vera Paz) for the town founded at La Yagauana.

From the names of the caciques, the vast majority using Spanish names, it might be possible to explore, speculatively, of course, any possible toponyms that might be associated with the area of modern Bainet. We know brazilwood was one of the early exports exploited by the Spanish in Yaquimo, which may correspond with the section of Brésilienne. In addition, the area's population was also significantly impacted by forced relocations through the encomienda system. One Spanish source from 1515 enumerated 1039 Indians of service in Yaquimo but after relocating some mining or other parts of Hispaniola, Yaquimo was left with only 863 Indians. By the late 1500s, Yaquimo was also described in 1577 as including a hato owned by a resident of La Yaguana, but the only people living there were blacks and Indians. These residents apparently notified French and Portuguese traders about possible danger from Spanish ships and supported illegal trading. The town was already abandoned but a small population of mixed-race people, blacks, and Indians were still living in the region by the end of the 16th century. By the second half of the 17th century, and before the French establish a presence at Jacmel, Exquemelin referred to Jacmel and Jaquina (Aquin?) as ports on the coast of the island.  

Yaquimo's name seems to a reference to the large river that passed through the area to the Caribbean Sea. While the more famous Yaque rivers to the east (sometimes spelled Yaqui in 16th century Spanish sources) are rather distant from Jacmel, perhaps the name Yaquimo was a reference to the Grande Riviere de Jacmel? According to Granberry, mo alluded to rivers. Perhaps the Yaque or Yaqui referred specifically to large rivers? The name Iacchi was said to be in Bainoa by Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, who also identified the Yaque del Norte as Iaccha. It seems very likely that Yaquimo's name was given as Iacchi in the map of Morales which later became Jacmel to the French. According to Granberry and Vescelius, the Taino mo signified river. Thus, one can see how Iacchi plus mo became Yaquimo, a name retained by the Spanish (who initially referred to the area by Brazil due to the brazil wood from the forested region). Alternatively, the toponym Jaquimeyes in the Dominican Republic might suggest an etymology. That Dominican town's name comes from a local term for a type of bejuco. Perhaps the Iacchi or yaqui or jaqui reffered to this type of plant? It seems unlikely since the herb or plant identified by Descourtilz as very common in Jacmel was not the jaquimei, or Hippocrotea volubilis. 

Indiens in Early Saint Domingue Censuses

While consulting ANOM for the first time in a while, we realized they have digitized several censuses from the colonial period in Saint Domingue. While they are not particularly relevant or useful for the topic of the indigenous population, some of them do include "Indiens" or "sauvages" as population categories (usually the late 17th century or early 18th century ones). Unfortunately, they are most often lumped into the same overall category as mixed-race, mulatto, or free people of color, so it is not always easy to trace their numbers. Moreover, since the French in the 17th century and early 18th century brought Amerindian people from the Lesser Antilles and the mainland areas like the Yucatan, as slaves or, in some cases, wives, one cannot assume these numbers reflect any remnant of the "Taino" population indigenous to Hispaniola. 

Nonetheless, the 1681 census, obviously conducted before the official recognition of western Hispaniola as a French territory by Spain, reflects some of the older demographic patterns that characterized the pre-plantation phase. Or, perhaps, the period before complete transformation of the island into a slave society based on plantation agriculture. The transition is taking place at this time, but not yet complete. One can see this in the high numbers of white indentured workers, 1565, not significantly lower than the total population of adult slaves. Of course, the colony's demographics would soon become overwhelmingly African or of African-descended peoples soon.

But let's look at the total for mixed-race, mulatto and Indiens, 210. The only way to properly arrive at possible estimates for the Indian and mestizo proportion would be to consult parish registers and other documents that mention Indiens and their progeny in the various provinces covered in the 1681 census. We have partially done that for some of the above areas, and did not find a significant number of people of Amerindian descent, so it is probably safe to assume that "Indiens" and mestizos were a small proportion of the total category's numbers. Nonetheless, there were undoubtedly Indian people in the colony, both enslaved and free. Some were even taken or kidnapped from what is now Mexico, the Lesser Antilles or South America.

In the 1703 Census for the colony administered by the Royal Company, only 6 Indians were counted. Granted that area did not include the entirety of French Saint Domingue, but it does suggest that the "Indien" presence was small, even as it undoubtedly omitted some while perhaps some mestizos passed into the "white" category like some "mulatto" families. Indeed, the inclusion of "sauvages" among the mulatto free people of color and enslaved groups in 1710 and 1713 census rolls attests to the ongoing presence of Amerindian people in the colony, albeit in small numbers. From what we can tell, the last census to include "sauvage" among the people of color population enumerated was done in 1717, although we know "Indiens" were imported as slaves, or worked in the colony as free people throughout the 18th century. Some were from Aruba, while others appear to have come from the Lesser Antilles, and North America. Interestingly, it does not seem like the remnant of the indigenous population from Spanish Santo Domingo (probably majority mestizo by the 1600s) had much of a presence in the French colony. But careful investigation is required, plus cross-referencing the parish registers to see if it is possible to separate the "sauvages" and "Indien"from the people of color populations enumerated in the various censuses. Undoubtedly, one should expect that some families, descending from Indian women seized in other territories, probably became "white" when possible.

Tukano Stools

While researching duhos from the South American mainland, we came across this nice video at the BEĨ Collection on the making of a Tukano stool. It's a fascinating process and quite beautiful. A number of the stools in their image collection are also rather remarkable, with intricate designs, animal features, and colors. Perhaps our Taino duhos were similarly vibrant and colorful when they were "new." It is interesting that high-backed stools appear less common among the various indigenous cultures in Brazil. 

Cacique and Authority

One thing we have long wondered about is why political leaders or chiefs were designated as cacique in the Taino language. While it has been demonstrated since Brinton's scholarship in the 19th century that the Taino cacique has the same root as the Arawak or Lokono kassiquan or, in Goeje's work, isikwa (rendered by Marie-France Patte as kashikoali to signify male ownership of a house in which one is in charge of, or kashikoa as a verb for owning a house, or shikoa as the verb in Guyane). Why is it that to own a home became attached to political leadership in the Taino language to a marked degree but not the Lokono or Kalinago languages? There is embedded in the word for owner of a house a degree of political power or authority of some kind, but the Lokono word for chief or leader is usually given as afodo, shi or barhosen. The second of these Arawak terms seems to be etymologically related to the word for head, and shi or ishi could potentially be the -ci in cacique. Another Arawakan language, Wayuu, uses the word alaülashi for chief or owner, as well as the word laülaa, which is also used to describe elders.

Yet Goeje's alphabetical index of Arawak words of Guyana defines translates chief as adaierobi-ci. To be a ruler or have authority is given as adaia. Why such a stark difference between this Lokono way of expressing chief or authority and the more familiar cacique? Some of this may just reflect the local differences between different communities of Arawak-speakers in Guyana, Guyane, and Suriname. Nonetheless, it is interesting how the Kalinago words related to chiefs, leaders, and leadership were also distinct from Taino's cacique. For example, Garifuna uses ábuti and arúneri for chief and captain, respectively. House is muna. In the Kalinago language dictionary of the 17th century, one sees youboutou for village chiefs or captains. In addition, amachi appears for the female speakers of the language for captain. This amachi sounds a bit like the Wayuu word for chief, whereas youboutou could descend from a Cariban language. In Palikur, another rather distinct word for chief is used, kivara.

From what we can see in the Arawakan languages of northern South America, with the exception of some Arawak speakers and the Taino in the Antilles, chiefs  may not have been usually called caciques. But following Oliver's fascinating work on the "Taino" civilization which is centered on caciques, cemis and cohoba, one must look at mainland societies which also shared this ritual and political geography. In terms of the duhos or dujos utilized by the Taino, the only Arawakan language with a word resembling it to express stool is Wayuu. Both may have borrowed the term from Warao or a Warao-related language in the distant past. Despite Brinton's claim of identifying an Arawak word for stool resembling duho, modern dictionaries usually translate it as ahabula, ala, hala or balutukoana, which could be derived from the Warao. Intriguingly, Goeje recorded a very similar word for servant in Warao to the Taino equivalent, suggesting that Taino speakers likely interacted with Warao peoples in the mainland or, perhaps, in the Caribbean itself. In Kalinago, the word for stool resembles that of Lokono. What about cemi? Breton's dictionary does include a Kalinago equivalent to the Taino, just as Goeje included semehe as an Arawak equivalent as seme or semehe, speculating a link to the word for sweet. Intriguingly, it is only in Arawak where it is recorded that the word for shaman was based on seme or semehe. As for cohoba, we know the shamans of the Arawak or Lokono included smoke or tobacco in their healing rituals. The Arawak word for tobacco is actually close to that of Garifuna (iyuri). Arawak dictionaries also suggest a close connection between smoke and shamans, with Patte's dictionary including the word korhedoan, to smoke. This was also given in Goeje's work as ahakobu-(in) or ahakubu-(n), to breathe, to relax. Cohoba among the Taino may share a similar etymology, although one wonders if the mainland Arawak ritual paraphernalia were similar.

Undoubtedly, shamanistic and religious practices were built around some deeply shared conventions, beliefs, and practices when it came to healing, tobacco, and the use of other substances. But it is interesting nonetheless to see how Taino appears more unique in that they incorporated a word of possible Warao origin for a major item associated with chiefly power and ritual, the duho. If Las Casas is reliable, the ranking of caciques also attests to a deeper stratification and division of authority achieved by the cacicazgos in the Antilles. With the possible exception of Arawak, which includes more than one word for chief, Taino political organization seems more stratified and, unsurprisingly, distinct from related mainland cultures. There is no doubt, however, that these cultures were interacting in various forms and the words used by them to express political, ritual, religious or social relations or dynamics reflect a dynamic region in the precolonial period. One should consider the Kalinago and Taino words for shaman, for instance. A close examination of shamanistic and healing practices across these diverse cultures, with an open eye to broader patterns and similar vocabulary with other parts of South America would be quite illustrative for the exchange of ideas and practice.

For now, the origin of the cacique seems to be rooted in heads of households who, through that basis, must have became village chiefs and, later on, paramount chieftains in some areas. Keeping in mind the large number of people living in some households in these lowland tropical South American societies and in the Antilles, a single house could have included a significant number of people. Then, over time, the caciques among the "Taino" were able to consolidate their power through ritual and the support of the shamans. The subordinate "class" of naboría may have developed, at least initially, from young men who owed service to the heads of households, although there undoubtedly were other ways to fall into that status. The caciques in the Antilles, at least, according to Las Casas, developed different ranks of chief and achieved some degree of control on subjected households, who paid "tribute." If we could dig deeper into the ritual and religious foundations of the cacique's authority, and the degree to which the bohiti were incorporated in this political arrangement, perhaps we can more easily see the development of the Caribbean cacique. 

The Meaning of Xaragua

Another word from the Taino language we would like to explore is Xaragua. According to Granberry and Vescelius's Languages of the Pre-Columbian Antilles, Xaragua meant something like "Lake Country" but the authors do not present any evidence to support this assertion. However, it remains a plausible translation for the place name of Hispaniola's most powerful cacicazgo. If the gua or wa at the end of the name signifies land, then the first part of the word (xara or jara) should be the Taino word for lake. And various Spanish sources refer to the lake or lakes of Xaragua. The Diccionario de voces indígenas de Puerto Rico lists amá as the Taino word for river or body of water, but it seems the language must have included another word for lake.

Let's look at other Arawakan languages to see if xara or jara probably meant lake. In Garifuna, lake is dúnaha. In Palikur, lake is mahakwa. In another Arawakan language, Lokono, sea is bará and, according to Goeje's The Arawak Language of Guiana, lake is kiraha. In Wayuu, on the other hand, lake is lamuuna and sea is palaa. In the Kalinago tongue, one sees tona for water or river and taonabo for pond or small lake. The 17th century French dictionaries for the language are not particularly useful here. Nonetheless, one can see some degree of resemblance between the Taino Xaragua and the Palikur mahakwa or the Lokono kiraha.

Interestingly, its on the Venezuelan coast, near the mouth of the Yaracuy river, where early European sources recorded a large village or town called Xaragua. According to Nikolaus Federmann's account of his explorations of the interior of Venezuela, this town or village was called Xaragua and located on the coast or near the shore, about 80 leagues east of Coro. This is actually not too far from the modern state of Aragua in Venezuela, which happens to include a large lake (Lake Valencia) in its territory as well as river also called Aragua. It is not entirely clear who the residents of the area were (another group of Caquetios, like the ones who guided Federmann to the area or Ciparicotos, who spoke a different language than the Caquetios?), but the appearance of the word Xaragua for an area near large lakes and rivers in both Hispaniola and Venezuela is not entirely coincidental, is it? The inhabitants of the area around Lake Valencia and today's Aragua may have been Caquetios or another Arawakan-speaking group, according to Los aborígenes del occidente de Venezuela, su historia, etnografía y afinidades lingüísticas by Alfredo Jahn. If so, perhaps the Xaragua name for the more distant coastal village was possibly reflecting a much larger area of connected peoples with rivers and lakes like the Yaracuy and Lake Valencia? It is difficult to say since Xaragua was not especially near Lake Valencia.

In short, Xaragua does indeed seem likely to mean lake or Lake Country. The Lokono and Palikur examples are close enough. The Venezuelan village visited by Federmann may have been populated by a Caquetio-speaking group, though that is pure speculation on our part. In Venezuela, the village or pueblo does not seem to have been exceptionally close to lakes, but Lake Valencia and the modern state of Aragua seem to be possibly linked to Caquetio or Arawakan-speakers in the precolonial area. If so, it may be additional evidence of Xaragua implying some type of connection or relationship with lakes and large bodies of water. 

Naboria and Nabouyou

Another word that appears to be a possible link between Taino and Kalinago languages can be seen in the case of Naboúyou. Defined briefly in Breton's dictionary of the Kalinago language as "mon serviteur" and in Rochefort's vocabulaire as "mon serviteur à gage," the word seems to express a personal ownership of a servant or laborer (but not a slave). From Breton, one can see that the Kalinago language had a few words for slave based on gender, but one example is támon. To express the idea of "my slave" one changed the word to nitámoni. The ni and na in the words nabouyou and nitámoni appear to express possession in the first-person. Did the -na in naboría also expression possession in the Taino language? It seems to be the case for Garifuna, itself derived from Kalinago, which uses nani to express my and mine. 

A quick perusal of Breton's dictionary for other words or information related to servant, worker or laborer provides a few more clues. In order to express "il sert encore" in Kalinago, Breton translated it as áboúyoukeili. Clearly, one can see commonalities with nabouyou. However, Kalinago also possessed a few other words for servant, including liboüitoulicou or libouitoúlicou. These terms may be related to boüittonum, bouitonum, boüitonú, Bouiiíttoucou, all related to service, subjection or serving others in one capacity or another. Is it possibly related to a Cariban-derived root word that entered the Arawakan speech of the Lesser Antilles? Its possible connection to Taino makes that seem unlikely. In fact, if Taino naboría (or naborí or naburia as it was sometimes recorded in Spanish sources) means something akin to "my servant" then one can assume aboria or boria is somehow connected with the idea for serve, service, or subjection. Indeed, the Diccionario de voces indígenas de Puerto Rico makes this exact claim with boria as the Taino equivalent to labor.

One can see this in a modern Arawakan language rooted in the Caribbean, Garifuna. In that tongue, one of the words for worker or trabajador is ubuein. One sees here in the first syllable something that sounds like it is probably derived from the Kalinago words for servant recorded in the 17th century. Lokono may also hint at a deeper Arawakan origin for labor or work. In this case, the Lokono dictionary using the word emekhebohu for work. To work is translated as emekhebo. The dictionary's word for servant, however, is sanano, which sounds nothing like the words in Taino and Kalinago. However, note the ebo in emekhebohu and emekhebo. My workman in Lokono would be expressed as da'khabo, according to Twenty-eight lessons in Loko (Arawak): a teaching guide by John Peter Bennett. The Lokono words for work and to work may be distantly related to the Taino and Kalinago words, which seem to be based on -aboria/aburia and -abou and ubu.

Looking at another Arawakan language, Wayuu, is also important. Consulting a Spanish-Wayuu dictionary revealed a few terms for servant, worker, work, and slave. Work and to work is translated as a'yatawaa. A worker is called a'yataai or a'yataalü. Slave and servant, however, are translated as achepchia or piuuna. None of these fit directly with our model, although a'yatawaa has the -awaa at the end of the word. Piuuna could potentially be a case of the b and p sounds changing, yet biuuna does not closely match the Taino or Kalinago. Palikur's kannivwiye or kannivwiyo (to work) is also an outlier despite its Arawakan classification. 

Surprisingly, in Warao, a language isolate, one finds the word nebu for worker. This sounds somewhat close to naboría or naborí, and it would be interesting since the word duho may also be of Warao derivation. But yaota appears to be the Warao word for work and often associated with workers, workmanship or salaries. So, from where did nebu come, which seems to be closer to Arawakan words pertinent to labor and servants? In the case of Warao, nebu appears to be linked to young men, or minor dependents of elders and chiefs in their communities. This implies that it was primarily related to generation or age, with expectations of service or labor for one's superiors in the community. 

Ultimately, we are left with the theory that the Taino term naboría is indeed derived from the word for work, or labor. Boria signifies labor or work and similar words in Kalinago, Garifuna and Lokono illustrate it. In the Taino case, it is not entirely clear who the naboría were in precolonial times. One suspects it may have had a similar sense to the words for servant in Kalinago, encompassing young men and men who owed service to their elders or male heads of households.

Dita in Puerto Rico

Another word we think may come from the Kalinago language or the related Taino is dita. Used in Puerto Rican Spanish to designate a "vasija hecha de media higüera, que se destina a varios usos como platos, orinales, etc., entre la gente pobre." According to the Diccionario de voces indígenas de Puerto Rico, dita is probably of indigenous origin and connotation. Luis Hernández Aquino is probably correct. A quick search of the Garifuna and Kalinago languages indicate a very similar word used to designate a drinking cup. In Garifuna, the word is rida, translated in English as calabash drinking cup. In 17th century French sources on the Kalinago or "Caribs" of the Lesser Antilles, a similar word for drinking cup is listed as ritta or rita. Clearly, the Garifuna word for cup is derived from the Kalinago. The question, however, that remains, is determining if the Puerto Rican dita is derived from Kalinago or from a similar Taino word. To our knowledge, no Spanish sources clearly indicate the Taino word for drinking cup or vessel. However, the Spanish word for similar dishes or vessels in part of Latin America is guacal, which sounds more "Taino" than dita or rita or rida.

But other scholars, like Bernardo Vega, believed guacal was the word for basket in Taino. Others also point to Nahuatl for the origin of guacal in Spanish, defining it as basket or crate. Since it is unclear if guacal is actually derived from Nahuatl, it will perhaps be better to avoid any definitive conclusions about the Taino word for drinking cups or vessels. Moreover, since Kalinago was an Arawakan language, it is possible that the Taino word for drinking cup was indeed similar to ritta. If so, it would be interesting to look for other examples of similar words in Kalinago and Taino in which one can see the switching or d and r sounds. This could have been the case due to long-standing precolonial relations between indigenous peoples of Puerto Rico and those living in the Lesser Antilles. Moreover, frequent conflicts between the "Caribs" and the Spanish colonial regime in the 1500s might have introduced Kalinago-speaking captives who left behind their word drinking cup. 

Kanari in Kalinago and Haitian Creole...

Although we admit to being generally ignorant of linguistics and lack the requisite background to properly research this, we would love to explore possible influences from the Kalinago language in Caribbean Creoles like that of Haiti. Although Haiti was not inhabited by speakers of that Arawakan language, the early French colonies (with their African slaves) interacted with speakers of Kalinago in the Lesser Antilles for decades before Saint Domingue became an officially recognized colony by Spain. So, it is not unreasonable to suspect that the early Creoles with a French lexifier probably acquired or absorbed some words from the Kalinago language in the 1600s. That early linguistic stew also included words like ajoupa and boucan, which appear to be derived from mainland South American languages like Tupi (though Rochefort's Vocabulaire does include ajoupa in one form as a Kalinago word). 

In addition, there were small numbers of "Caribs" in the French colony as slaves or free people, occasionally appearing in runaway slave ads or other documentary sources. The word also appears in other Creoles with a French lexifier, such as Saint Lucian Creole or in proverbs included in J.J. Thomas's The Theory and Practice of Creole Grammar. The word is also present in the Creole of Guadeloupe, albeit with more connotations of a cooking pot. It thus seems quite likely that the word was acquired in the early French colonies of the Caribbean and thereby entered the associated Creoles of these colonial possessions. It is perhaps not too surprising that words of such a utilitarian and everyday relevance were adopted by Europeans and Africans in the Caribbean environment. After all, that was presumably part of the reason why Taino words like bohio and conuco were retained in the Spanish Caribbean for centuries, long after the disappearance of the indigenous languages of those areas.

With this background and historical context established, let's examine the case of the word kanari. In Haitian Creole, kanari refers to an earthen jar, or vessel that is sometimes included in ritual uses associated with Vodou, such as kase kanari. The overall, basic definition is in accordance with the original Kalinago sense of the term, as a clay pot (Breton's Caraibe-French dictionary is a good example). Moreover, like the Haitian usage, the Kalinago apparently also used their earthen pots in rituals. According to Sieur de la Borde, the Kalinago or "Caribs" also left behind a drink as an offering to the "chemeens" or zemis in a kanary. While the ritual uses of the kanary among the "Island Caribs" differs from that of Haiti, it is interesting to see how earthen pots or vessels designated by a name from an indigenous Caribbean language were absorbed into an Afro-Caribbean religion using earthen pots in a different ritual sense.