More on Indigenous Caribbean Historical Matches

As we should have done at the beginning, we finally went back and re-read the reference study (Fernandes et al.) used by 23andMe for their indigenous Caribbean references. As expected, our Matches are to Ceramic Age samples from sites in Hispaniola (mostly eastern), Puerto Rico, and Bahamas. Our historical matches fell into the following major groups based on the above study's analysis of the genomes of ancient Antillean peoples:

Haiti Ceramic: 2 matches

Bahamas Ceramic: 2 Matches

SECoast DR Ceramic: 11 Matches

Eastern Greater Antilles Ceramic: 11 matches

The overwhelming number of matches (although mostly small) are with what the study terms Southeast Coast DR groups and Eastern Greater Antilles (which includes samples from Puerto Rico and the eastern Dominican Republic). This matching pattern is to be expected given the Ceramic Age population largely replacing Archaic lineages and the pattern of close relatives from different sites on Hispaniola or genetic matches between individuals from other islands. To what extent this pattern was also due to relatively small population sizes in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico is another mystery. We have always tended to prefer somewhat higher population numbers for Puerto Rico and Hispaniola in pre-Columbian times based on Moscoso's analysis of Puerto Rico. 

We also found it cool that some of our larger matches were to the two Individuals in the Haiti Ceramic clade. These two individuals were related and harbored significant Archaic ancestry from groups on the island before the Saladoid or Arawakan expansion to the Greater Antilles (unless we are already outdated in our terminology here). We matched the two ancient Haitians from Diale for approximately the same amount of total shared cM on 2 segments. It would be interesting if part of that shared ancestry was from the earlier, Archaic population.

Indigenous Historical Matches

One of the more interesting aspects of 23andme is seeing the historical matches. Since we have ancestry from Puerto Rico that includes indigenous Caribbean admixture, we found a very large number of matches with the Indigenous Caribbean Ceramic Age samples on 23andme. While most were undoubtedly very small matches, we found it fascinating to see matches from the Haiti, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and the Bahamas. Indeed, some of the matches were with individuals buried in the same area, like the two from northern Haiti's Fort-Liberté Bay. To make the feature even more interesting, 23andme should provide more precise information on the chromosome segment's location. It might be worthwhile to explore these matches to various indigenous Caribbean peoples who were related to others from different parts of Hispaniola or even different islands altogether. 

Despite the lack of these features, it was still interesting to note that most of our matches are with samples from Hispaniola (mainly the Dominican Republic). This is presumably due to the far greater number of indigenous Caribbean samples from the DR as well as the migration/intermarriage of indigenous peoples between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico (and the Lucayan Islands). Nonetheless, we found it intriguing that the highest matches were with samples from Hispaniola. The largest amount of shared ancestry was with an ancient woman from the site of Andrés, east of Santo Domingo. Although we only share 16.45 cM across 3 segments with this woman, this supposedly means we share more ancestry with her than 99.90% of all 23andme customers who share DNA with her. The next largest matches were of 10.8 and 10.2 cM with two individuals from Diale 1, a site in northeastern Haiti. Although only 2 segments, the amount of shared DNA with the two individuals is similar and possibly the same segment. If 23andme provided the segment information, I could potentially explore my relation to the 2 people from the Diale site in Haiti and the woman from Andrés. Even more intriguing is the fact that the two individuals from Diale had 16-20% Archaic ancestry from peoples who lived in the Antilles before the Arawakan-speakers migrated to the Greater Antilles. Moreover, the two people from Diale, who lived sometime between 800 CE to 1200 CE, may have fallen under the sphere of influence of Marien, a cacicazgo that was perceived by the Spanish sources as the most powerful chiefdom or polity in northern Haiti. Of course, there is no evidence for Marien in this earlier time period, but the site which was the probable capital of Marien was inhabited by the 1200s.

In addition, we shared 2 segments of DNA with two other individuals from the modern Dominican Republic. In the case of Ceramic Age Caribbean Individual I15112, from El Atajadizo, DR, we have more common DNA with her than 91.90% of all 23andme customers. For Ceramic Age Caribbean Individual I12350, we share more DNA with her than 87.90% of all 23andme customers who match her. The general picture then is one of closer matches with women from sites in the DR and Haiti and a plethora of smaller matches in Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, and the Bahamas. Since the site where these individuals were found is no sure guarantee of their origin, it is difficult to say with any certainty where they may have originated from. Therefore, it is possible some of these matches were with indigenous people who may have hailed from Puerto Rico or the eastern Dominican Republic before migrating. Nonetheless, we believe that the two related individuals from Diale, Haiti may have come from the area and one was male while the other female. Overall, the closest indigenous matches were from Atajadizo, a site near San Pedro de Macorix, and the two relatives from Haiti. The results could be explained by a number of factors but are certainly consistent with a shared ancestry between indigenous peoples in Puerto Rico and Hispaniola. They could also be due to the forced relocation of indigenous peoples from Hispaniola and the Bahamas to Puerto Rico in the 16th century. But historians and archaeologists have provided more than enough evidence for long-standing contacts between the eastern part of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. 

Cacicazgo of Guahaba

Aubourg's map showing the placement of a village in Guahaba at the site of Lacorne.

Although often overlooked in colonial accounts, Guahaba was a major Taíno cacicazgo in northwestern Hispaniola, whose political importance and population size have been underestimated due to Spanish violence, depopulation, and incomplete documentation. Known as the land from which Hatuey fled to Cuba to escape Spanish invasion, Guahaba was located in northwestern Haiti. The exact boundaries of the district and its political organization before Spanish conquest is difficult to discern. Tejera, drawing on Las Casas and the Spanish chroniclers, described Guahaba as 18 leagues from Cuba (271). Guahaba itself was said to be in a valley with a river called Hami flowing in it (205). Bernardo Vega, also drawing on similar sources and Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, saw Guahaba as likely located between Gros Morne and Borgne, possibly also the area of Guanacano in the map of Morales (30). Moreover, the region Las Casas referred to as Araguey, a valley and river, was where the Spanish founded the town of Lares de Guahaba (37). Like Vega, Valmé also saw Guahaba as being centered in the valley of Trois Rivieres (178). Keegan likewise focused on Trois Rivieres as the probable location near Port-de-Paix of a very large Taino settlement seen by Columbus's men in the First Voyage (58). While scholars disagree on the exact details, it is clear that Guahaba was in Haiti's northwest, and perhaps with its largest settlement near Gros Morne or Port de Paix. Who was its paramount cacique is unclear, although Hatuey is a likely contender since he was able to lead a large following to Cuba.  

Arranz Márquez's table for the caciques of Lares de Guahava (Guahaba).

Unfortunately, looking at the 1514 repartimiento records sheds little additional light on Guahaba. The area had the smallest Indian population, only 487, but this was likely the result of 3 factors: the exodus to Cuba led by Hatuey, population loss incurred during the "pacification" of the area ordered by Ovando and probably the forced relocation of indigenous peoples to distant locations where mining was conducted or more profitable.  Of the 10 caciques with followers assigned to encomenderos at Lares de Guahaba, some still had indigenous names: Bayacaguera, Mayagumaca, Mota, Miquero. But the one with the largest number of followers, Gaspar Mejias, could have been from the old Guahaba elite or possibly one whose ascent was tied to the changes introduced by the encomienda system (Arranz Marquez 571). Judging by the small indigenous population assigned to encomenderos, one can only safely speculate that the Spanish conquest, encomienda system, disease, and flight to Cuba significantly lowered its population by c. 1514.

The Morales map of Hispaniola showing the northwest.

Even the excellent map of Morales, a great source for understanding, to some extent, the indigenous geography of our island, is of limited utility for Guahaba. Some places in northwestern Haiti are listed by their Spanish names, although some of the rivers and bodies of water retain indigenous toponyms. For example, Guanacano, south of Lares de Guahaba.The river "Hany" also appears on the map, flowing near Lares de Guahaba. Other places listed are too hard to read clearly, but the place at Haiti's northwestern tip appears to read Yahaba. Is this Guahaba? This region is certainly closer to Cuba than where Lares de Guahaba was founded, perhaps closer to the 18 leagues from Cuba mentioned previously. If so, the name must have been applied to a much larger area, extending to the east to Marien, the cacicazgo of Guacanagari. Yet the location of Lares de Guahaba and its proximity to rivers means this area could have been the population center of Guahaba in precolonial times. 

A dog figure found at the site excavated by Barker, possibly a capital of Guahaba (Olsen, On the Trail of the Arawaks). Olsen likens the figure to the dog cemi, Opiyel-Guarobiran.

If one looks to archaeology, only one settlement that was likely in Guahaba has been closely studied. Located on the old Lacorne habitation in Haiti, this site was known as early as 1947. In fact, Michel Aubourg, author of Haiti prehistorique, wrote that this was the site of 1000 huts described by Columbus when he first visited Haiti (54). This site was located 3 km from Trois Rivieres, south of the Tortuga Channel, and bordered on the east by Trois Rivieres. To its south lay the Lacorne habitation (27). Aubourg also believed it was a fishing village or settlement. Fred Olsen, in On the Trail of the Arawaks summarized the research of Paul Barker at the site. Many female figures were found there (Cadet site), and he believed it was the settlement of 1000 houses mentioned by Columbus. Some perhaps implausible figures are also suggested: 5-15,000 residents (114). Again, Columbus's problematic figures came from someone who did not see the settlement in question. Further, it was in his interest to portray the New World as agriculturally rich and full of people to justify the expenses. Still, it does appear that the Cadet site surveyed by Barker was large. Valmé, presumably drawing from Barker's work, described the site as including 240 houses (181). If this is accurate, this was definitely a very large settlement, possibly one of the largest in the Antilles. 

A narcotic grinder in the form of a frog from Guahaba (Olsen, On the Trail of the Arawaks).

As for the Spanish chroniclers and Columbus, they too are not detailed for Guahaba. Columbus, whose journal described northwestern Haiti, mentioned a group of Spaniards he sent to a large village in a valley 4.5 leagues southeast of the coast. This village, allegedly possessing over 1000 houses, was identified by the editor of the Markham edition and translation as modern Gros Morne (108). The people of this village also had hair over their shoulders and a river ran through the center of the valley. This does sound like modern Gros Morne, but further inland than the site at Cadet mentioned by Barker, which raises a number of questions. If the larger populated center was further inland, this would likely have been closer to where the Spanish later founded Lares de Guahaba. Columbus's son, whose The Life of the Admiral is also available in translation, described the same settlement. According to his biography, Columbus sent 9 men to this large inland village about 4 leagues from the coast, where they saw a village of more than 1000 huts in a valley (76). The details match those of Columbus's account, although now it is a little closer to the coast. 

Votive offering figure in the shape of a turtle's head from the Cadet site in Guahaba (Olsen, On the Trail of the Arawaks).

Besides Columbus and his son, the only other sources are the standard cronista accounts of the pacification of the island after Ovando's destruction of Xaragua. Rodrigo Mexia Trillo was sent north of Xaragua where he presumably clashed with Hatuey and other caciques in northern Haiti, ultimately defeating them and establishing Lares de Guahaba. Hatuey fled to Cuba and later resisted that island's conquest when Diego Velazquez arrived in 1511. According to Las Casas, about 50 years earlier Haitians had migrated to Cuba. Oliver has suggested this connection between eastern Cuba and Haiti can be seen in Taino complexes at Pueblo Viejo, Bani, Maisi, and Bayamo (161). It is thus more likely that migrations and cultural influence between peoples of Cuba and Haiti extended much further back in time. This contact must have facilitated the ability of Hatuey to establish himself in Maisi with his followers from Haiti. But besides passing references to Guahaba or Guahava in the campaign of Rodrigo Mexia Trillo and mention of Hatuey's flight to Cuba, little else is known.

Dog-shaped amulets in conch found by Barker in Haiti (On the Trail of the Arawaks).

Of course, one could not end the tale of Guahaba without following up on Hatuey's political career in Cuba. Established in Maisi, the heroic struggle of Hatuey was repeated by Las Casas. Las Casas, who may have deviated from historical truth to assign to Hatuey a special areito in which the god of the Christians was condemned (gold) and his epic refusal to become a Christian before his execution, is the best known source on this. However, whether or not this areito occurred or if Hatuey truly refused to go to heaven because Christians would be there, is not the point. Hatuey's resistance, which only lasted about 3 months in a guerrilla-styled conflict according to Mira Caballos, failed. But in a letter possibly from 1509 (or closer to 1511), Hatuey was described as "señoreaba la media Cuba" (330). To what extent this was hyperbole is also unclear, but Hatuey may have risen to a position of much greater authority than Maisi, easternmost Cuba. Indeed, his authority may have been more than that of a war-chief as speculated by Loven (504). This could have been reinforced by longstanding ties between eastern Cuba and Haiti with earlier alliances between caciques of the two islands that are not recorded in the Spanish sources. This may have made Hatuey an attractive figure for Cubans to support, particularly if he was a higher-ranking cacique in Guahaba before his flight from Haiti.

The monument to Hatuey in Baracoa, Cuba (Wikipedia)

Lamentably, his leadership did not coalesce into a larger anti-Spanish front. Yet despite his death by 1512, Hatuey's anti-Spanish movement was carried on by Caguax, who had served under him. Ultimately, the fate of Hatuey's followers is revealed only by 1514, in a letter by Velazquez. In his letter, he alluded to the Indians of "Yacahuey" or "Yahatuey" working for the Spaniards on estancias  near the Toha river. Some were even "free Christians" tied to the church of San Salvador. Indians still living in the region in the second half of the 16th century possibly include descendants of Hatuey's people. Lopez de Velasco mentioned "indios" living in Baracoa, Santiago, and Baracoa in the 1570s. To what extent Hatuey was remembered or the links to Guahaba is unanswerable, though Hatuey later became a symbol of Cuban nationalism and anti-colonial struggle.

In conclusion, Guahaba remains yet important chiefdom in the indigenous past of Haiti. The early sources that describe northwestern Haiti are often vague or difficult to correlate with the limited archaeological evidence. It is possible that Hatuey, the legendary cacique from Guahaba, was a paramount chief of the area before fleeing to Cuba. One of the largest known settlements in Haiti was also likely in the territory of Guahaba, though it is impossible to say this was the capital of the province. Similarly hard to answer is the relationship of Guahaba to Marien, its eastern neighbor. If Spanish sources describing Guacanagari as a paramount chief are accurate, Guahaba may have fallen under Marien's sphere of influence. Nonetheless, a very large settlement within Guahaba, possibly a fishing settlement, suggests it was a densely populated area. Guahaba's location in northwestern Haiti also made it ideal for exchange with Cuba and the Bahamas. This factor likely explains why Hatuey was able to lead followers to Cuba and find support from indigenous people there. In the future, archaeologists should revisit the Manigat and Cadet sites studied by Barker. Additional surveys in northwestern Haiti may reveal other sizable settlements in this part of the island.

Bibliography

Aubourg, Michel. Haiti prehistorique : mémoire sur les cultures precolombiennes, Ciboney et Taino. Port-au-Prince: Editions Panorama, 1966.

Arranz Márquez, Luis. Repartimientos y encomiendas en la isla Española: El Repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514. Madrid: Ediciones Fundación García Arévalo, 1991.

Columbus, Christopher, and Clement Robert Markham. The Journal of Christopher Columbus: (during His First Voyage, 1492-93), and Documents Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. New York: B. Franklin, 1970.

Deagan, Kathleen A. En Bas Saline: A Taíno Town Before and After Columbus. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 2023.

Keegan, William F., and Florida Museum of Natural History. Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

Mira Caballos, Esteban. El indio antillano: repartimiento, encomienda y esclavitud (1492-1542). 1. ed. Sevilla: Múñoz Moya Editor, 1997.

Oliver, José R. 2009. Caciques and Cemí Idols : The Web Spun by Taíno Rulers between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.

Olsen, Fred. On the Trail of the Arawaks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974.

Tejera, Emiliano, Emilio Tejera, and Pedro Henríquez Ureña. Palabras Indígenas De La Isla De Santo Domingo. Ciudad Trujillo: Editora del Caribe, 1951.

Valmé, Gilbert R. Atabey, Yacayequey, Caney, 6000 Ans D'aménagement Territorial Préhispanique Sur L'île D'Ayiti: Haïti/République Dominicaine : Une Approche Holistique Du Patrimoine Zux Antilles : Les Paysages Culturels. Pompano Beach, Florida: Educa Vision, 2012.

Vega, Bernardo. Los Cacicazgos de la Hispaniola. 3. ed. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1990.

Anacaona's Gift

Anacaona's Gift: Cotton and the woven arts of the 11th to 17th century Caribbean by Joanna Ostapkowicz is a must-read for anyone interested in the material culture and history of the indigenous peoples of the Caribbean. Despite the paucity of extant materials made of cotton, the archival sources, Spanish chronicles, ethnographic analogies with South American peoples, and close analysis of ceramics and indigenous sculpture reveal often neglected aspects of Taino textile production and weaving traditions. Ostapkowicz presents compelling evidence for cotton production and weaving as one of great importance for the indigenous peoples economically, socially and politically and religiously. Cotton, as a source of material for wrapping cemis or for making hats, caps, naguas, masks, crowns, belts, capes, arm and leg bands, hammocks, burial shrouds, was undoubtedly a specialist activity for the most elaborate and best products. This made it an extension of cacical power or authority, particularly if the caciques controlled the storehouses where cotton was stored before redistributing it through their families, communities or other caciques. It is possible that elite women may have been the ones responsible for producing the best quality cotton goods, such as those using gold, shell, stone, feathers, and other products to produce refined cemis, belts, or elite regalia. Indeed, their elite status likely freed them from some of the other daily domestic duties of women who likely wove most of the cloth used by the indigenous societies of the island.

Much of the book analyzes closely each example or type of item made with or using cloth in so-called Taino and Kalinago cultures. This close analysis includes basketry, too, for additional examples of weaving use fiber materials. But the bulk of the analysis focuses on types of clothing and the application of cotton materials for wrapping or constructing materials like belts or cemi materials. The artistic and labor skills required to have produced some of the best examples must have been astonishing, which suggests there were specialized textile workers. Similarly, the production of the most elaborate stools (duhos) and platters or wooden objects similarly required experienced workers. Their close association with caciques, especially in the production of items and goods that, at their most refined level, were for elites, attests to a degree of power and hierarchy in the indigenous Caribbean chiefdoms more complex than many realize. Perhaps interpreting too literally Columbus and other chroniclers who often emphasized the nudity of the Taino, scholars have truly missed another dimension of the complex material culture. Indeed, some of these elaborate works featured thousands of beads, different weaving patterns, complex geometric patterns, and skillful use of gold or feathers. The arm bands, caps, skirts, and hammocks, sadly, have not survived, but the level of skill required to produce them (and in quantity) are a testament to the relatively high level of production. 

An area not fully explored however, and this is due to our limited sources in terms of surviving artifacts, is the extent to which the entire population of the cacicazgo had access to certain goods, like hammocks. Moscoso, for example, seemed to think hammocks were not universally used by all Taino. Similarly, the shortages of hammocks and the importation of cloth from Europe (not enough in the early colonial period, but a source for hammocks for settlers who took to the hammock) deserves further inquiry. To what extent were indigenous weavers in Jamaica learning to make European-styled clothes? Was there an increase in the scale of production for the "market" during European colonial rule, despite the lack of interest by Spaniards for cotton plantations in places like Hispaniola? What about Xaragua, when its tribute to Columbus was in cotton and included extra cotton treasures give by Anacaona? In other words, what were the mechanisms for the increase in textile production before colonialism? Was Xaragua, already noted for its cotton, producing a surplus for trade with other parts of Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica? And to what extent were Taino products possibly exported south to the Lesser Antilles or the South American mainland for items like guanin? 

Acosta and the Incas

Reading Jose de Acosta's Natural and Moral History of the Indies for a deep chronicle of the Inca Empire is bound to disappoint. Acosta's work, which focuses on the Americas in general (though Acosta had traveled to other parts of the Americas like Santo Domingo), largely synthesized older accounts of the Inca past, particularly the works of Polo de Ondegardo. Consequently, his account of the Inca past is rather derivative and, besides references to the flora, fauna, and superstitions of Indians in Peru, adds little. In some respects his coverage of the Inca and Aztec Empires emphasizes how these peoples, deceived by Satan from Acosta's Jesuit perspective, built impressive civilizations that paved the way for Christianity to spread. Thus, unlike the indigenous peoples of Brazil or other parts of the Americas which lacked large kingdoms or polities, the Incas and Aztecs promoted religious cults that, like ancient Rome, facilitated the spread of Christianity through the state's institutions and influence across a vast territory. Acosta's perspective also reminded us of Edward Blyden's views on Islam in West Africa, which he similarly praised while also expressing the belief that Islam will prepare the path for the Christianization of black Africans. But to return to Acosta as a chronicler of the Incas, this does not offer much. Acosta shifts between condemnation of the Incas and admiration, and there are interesting moments of comparative ethnology of the various peoples of the America (and East Asia). But we hope to read another cronista with a more substantial narrative of the Inca past. And really, 1000 people sacrificed to accompany the dead Huayna Capac?

Matu the Manatee

One of the more miraculous stories of the wondrous fauna in the New World was reported by the early Spanish chroniclers. According to their telling, a cacique in what is today Haiti, named Caramatextius, had a pet manatee. Named Matu, meaning generous or noble, it was caught while young and raised in a lake called Guarabo. After 25 years, however, a hurricane caused the Artibonite to flood, eventually driving Matu into the sea. While this story has unrealistic elements (a manatee who allegedly carried 10 men on its back and hated Christians because one of them attacked him), it was apparently renowned across the island. It is also interesting since manatee meat was one of the highly desirous sources of protein for the Taino. Further confirmation of the location of Caramatexius's manatee can be seen in the map of the island by Morales. 

Catalina de Habacoa

Whilst perusing Arranz Marquez's Repartimientos y encomiendas en la Isla Española: El repartimiento de Albuquerque de 1514, we saw yet another cacique from the western part of the island whose community was forced to serve encomenderos in what is now the Dominican Republic. According to Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, Habacoa was a district or canton in Guacayarima (the southwestern part of Haiti). Thus, the cacique, Catalina de Habacoa, whose 44 Indians were forced to work to 2 Spaniards in Higuey, likely had to travel from one end of the island to another. This obviously meant that many indigenous peoples were forcibly relocated from the area they called home before 1492, and this likely contributed to the high mortality rates of the native population as they resisted, succumbed to hunger, or experienced disease and horrendous working conditions.