Fifth Sun: A New History of the Aztecs

Camilla Townsend's Fifth Sun: A New History of the Aztecs is not exactly what we were looking for. Our own interests are mainly in the preconquest period, but that comprises less than half of the book. Instead, Townsend, partly due to her use of Nahuatl annals and sources penned by Nahua or part-Nahua authors of the 1500s and 1600s, extends her history of the Mexica into the 1600s. This is admirable since the Mexica and other Nahuas did not disappear overnight with the Spanish conquest. Instead, their culture survived in many ways, despite the destruction, epidemics, and loss of political power in a highly unequal colonial society. Some, like Chimalpahin, became historians adept with adapting the Roman script for writing detailed annals or histories of the central valley of Mexico in Nahuatl. 

Townsend also tries to emphasize the voices of women, elucidate the experience of Malinche, and humanize the Aztec state (Triple Alliance and empire are problematic labels for reasons we shall not delve into here). Indeed, their complex civilization was often reduced to ugly caricatures of obscene human sacrifice or even belittled as irrational cowards (Moctezuma) in the face of the Spaniards, mistakenly believed to have been perceived as gods by the Mexica in bad, questionable histories first produced by Spaniards. In truth, relying as much as possible on Nahua sources to highlight their own memories, experiences, language, and worldview.

However, Townsend believes the Nahuatl annals and sources of the colonial era are most useful for only a century of the region's history before the colonial conquest. Thus, a reader eager for a more detailed examination of Aztec history before the conquest may be somewhat disappointed. Nonetheless, the narrative does encompass the shadowy origins of the Mexica from the distant north, as well as an outline of the history of Mesoamerica and the context in which the early Mexica entered as newcomers to the central valley. Townsend even draws on Diamond and others to help readers understand why, despite the advances made by the Aztecs and other indigenous cultures before 1492, they were "behind" when it came to metallurgy, writing, firearms, domesticated animals, and exposure to deadly diseases. The consequences of these aforementioned factors gave the Spanish a tremendous edge in their colonial expansion. 

What was most interesting for us, however, is the degree of similarity with the Incas. Like their famous Andean counterparts, the Aztecs appear to have only been one of many players in their region in the 1200s and 1300s. Only in the 1400s did their rapid expansion into an imperial power take place, often relying on both military expansion and marriage alliances with other altepetls in the central valley. Moreover, like Pachacuti, whose reign appears to have included a standardization of historical narratives on the Inca past, the Mexica under Itzcoatl had books burned when he took power, presumably leading to him being able to reshape what was later produced under his reign and that of his successors. Moreover, like Pachacuti, Itzcoatl's rise to the throne was not uncontested due him being the son of a slave woman. Pachacuti, of course, had to contend with a brother and their father who favored his sibling, according to the standard narrative of Inca imperial expansion in the 1400s. Furthermore, like the successors of Pachacuti, the Aztec rulers after Itzcoatl continued the expansion of the state (Moctezuma I, Axyacatl) and created a more centralized administration (Moctezuma II). The Aztecs, who did not use khipu to record information, must have relied on their pictures and glyph system to record information on borders, gather tribute information, and standardize calendars across the region, and use the labor and goods from tribute for public works and monuments. Nonetheless, the Inca state appears to have been far more bureaucratic and invested in infrastructure across a huge swathe of land. Intriguingly, like the Incas, the Aztecs appear to have also been unsure how to respond to the Spanish threat, although Townsend is emphatic on the Spaniards NOT being perceived as gods by the Aztecs.

The tale of Mexica expansion here is one in which the Mexica went from underdogs who had to lend their warriors to more powerful altepetls to being the dominant, hegemonic one in the 1400s and early 1500s. In addition, this entailed the growth of their capital, Tenochtitlan, into a metropolis with causeways, canals, chinampas for agriculture, and tribute imposed on conquered people to fully supply the capital and its elite. Through the practice of polygyny, the Mexica elites used their marriages to women from multiple altepetls and lineages to cement alliances and intervene in the affairs of other altepetls. Since primogeniture was not the principle on which royal succession was based, marriages to multiple women were usual within the large royal Mexican clan to determine succession, often alternating it between different branches. Most of the book focuses on the cataclysmic shock of Spanish conquest and the Mexica under colonial rule. 

Columbus JRPG

Although we will likely never play this game, Gnosis on Youtube had an interesting video about it. Released for the NES in Japan, this game about Christopher Columbus seems to have been part of the broader fervor around the 500 year anniversary of the 1492 Voyage. According to Gnosis, the game actually features very little of Columbus's voyages in the Americas, and Native Americans only appear briefly. Nonetheless, it is intriguing to think that the complex legacy of Columbus even impacted the world of Japanese video games at the time.

Echagoian and Indios of Hispaniola (c.1568)

Whilst perusing old sources from the 1500s on Hispaniola, Puerto Rico and Cuba, we came across the 1568 Relación de la Isla Española by Echagoian. In addition to providing its readers with an overview of conditions on the island of Hispaniola in the 1560s, the document also mentioned areas with pockets of Indian, or indigenous, residents. According to Echagoian, besides the island of Mona (between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico) with its 50 indios, there were Indians living near La Yaguana and La Vega (but not in pueblos). The former, which also included some large sugar plantations at this time, is interesting. The African slaves subsisted on yuca, cultivated in the indigenous manner in mounds, suggesting the Amerindian ways were foundational to the dietary evolution of all people on the island. Anyway, it's interesting to see mention of indios living apart in western Hispaniola during this time. Earlier, in 1563, indios were suspected of living apart by Cabo San Nicolas as well as Cabo Tiburon. 

Guao and Early Skin Whitening in Colonial Hispaniola

Whilst rereading Oviedo and Las Casas on the indigenous people of Hispaniola and the Antilles, we came across the root or plant, guao. According to Las Casas, guao was a tree in the eastern part of Hispaniola used to make a poison for arrows. Oviedo, who came to Hispaniola later than Las Casas, described in more detail how guao was a skin irritant, but did not know if it was used as a poison by the Indians. However, unlike Las Casas, he described one disturbing use of guao by Indian woman of the island. Oviedo noted that Indian woman were using guao as the base for a skin whitening paste or cream, mixing it with other ingredients so it would be less harmful to their skin. Supposedly, Indian woman of the island were "jealous" of white Spanish women and, in a desire to meet the beauty standards of the colonial society, used this guao cream to whiten their skin. Since Oviedo was already biased against indigenous peoples of the island, one wonders if he may have misunderstood something or wanted his readers to believe some Indian women would believe their natural skin color inferior to that of whites. Either way, it is quite revealing about the role of skin color and the early history of skin whitening in the Caribbean.

Behechio in 1495

Whilst perusing old documents from early colonial Hispaniola, we came across something we somehow forgot about. According to a 1495 list of items given (and seized) by the Spaniards and brought to Spain, Xaragua's cacique, Behechio gifted gold and objects covered with gold to Cristobal de Torres. What is most interesting about this is that Behechio did not give Xaragua's better-known products, cotton or cotton goods, to the Admiral. Presumably this was due to his understanding that the Spaniards preferred gold above all. So, instead of naguas, hammocks, cotton, macanas, ropa de pluma or other objects highly valued by Xaragua's elite, gold and objects featured gold encrustrations were given. It is a pity the source does not indicate what the figure covered by gold was. Was it a cemi object? And was he simply engaging in this because the Spaniards had defeated his brother-in-law, Caonabo?

Xaragua in the Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo

Although written in the 1760s and often unclear with some of the sources for its claims, Luis Joseph Peguero's Historia de la conquista de la isla española de Santo Domingo contains some useful allusions to the history of Xaragua. While he seems to largely rely on Las Casas, Oviedo and Herrera, some of the references to Xaragua appear to be unique in Peguero's work. Keeping in mind that he incorrectly identified Anacaona as a wife of the ruler of Xaragua (and misrepresented her as a sister of Caonabo), Peguero's work is nonetheless worth a second look for those interested in Xaragua.

First, Peguero identified items besides cotton and casabe as tribute of Xaragua to the Spanish. For instance, salt and brazil wood were also identified as items of value by the Spanish. In addition, one finds specific caciques named who ruled areas where salt and brazil wood were plentiful. For the former, a cacique named Guanaconel, in the area of Neyba, allegedly ruled a domain which included a salt mine. For brazil wood, a cacique identified as Mateguana, ruled somewhere in the Banda del Sur (presumably located near the future settlement of Yaquimo?). Cabo de Tiburon and the principal lake of Xaragua also had brazil wood. An additional cacique at the time of Ovand, Aybanes, was said to have ruled the area near this large lake. 

Peguero also gives some figures for the vassal caciques of Xaragua and its soldiers. One is undoubtedly inflated, putting the number of warriors at the disposal of Xaragua at 20,000 when he first crossed paths with the Adelantado by the Neyba River. Peguero similarly suggests Xaragua had 32 cacique vassals. It's principal settlement, or capital, allegedly had multiple plazas with trees to provide shade. One is left unsure if the over 80 caciques serving under Anacaona at the time of Ovando's slaughter was perhaps due to Indians from other parts of Hispaniola fleeing to Xaragua beforehand or if this attests to the discrepancies in the Spanish sources. 

Last, but certainly not least, Peguero also wrote about Xaragua's fall. Putting the blame for the massacre on Sebastian de Biloria, who falsely accused Anacaona of plotting against Ovando, Peguero suggests Ovando late felt remorse for the brutal killings.  Indeed, Anacaona was also said to understand and speak some Spanish and harbor a legitimate desire for baptism. If Peguero's story is reliable, it would appear that Biloria had wanted Anacaona to side with him in a plot against Ovando and the colonial government. Once Ovando fell for Biloria's lie, however, her fate was sealed. Without Roldan as a counterweight to the colonial government (and despite his abuses) and with the treacherous method used by Ovando to eliminate Xaragua's political elite, the most powerful cacicazgo on the island was neutralized as a threat to the colonial system. The fall of Xaragua's capital, unsurprisingly, was followed by the defeat of Haniguayagua and La Guababa. The seed of Xaragua later arose to threaten the colonial regime for several years in the revolt of a cacique, Enriquillo, whose movement centered in the Bahoruco contributed to the depopulation of Yaquimo and Salvatierra de la Sabana. Indeed, Enriquillo, whose wife, Mensia Bauruco, was the said to have been the daughter of a cacique named Baurucos. Enriquillo was said to have under his command 6 captains with 70 warriors each, plus Tamayo. 

Of course, Peguero also wrote about each of the other cacicazgos and their dissolution. Some general comments on the "Taino" can also be found. Echoing chroniclers like Las Casas, we learn of the Taino penchant for trade and exchange (as well as the use of eggs, corn and supposedly cacao in buying and selling). The Taino calendar system, apparently lunar and beginning the year in spring, was also discussed. The stars, believed to be deceased Indians and bright stars former caciques, snippets of Taino cosmology are revealed in a way that is somewhat more respectful than the condescending remarks that focus on Taino idolatry and superstition. 

Cacicazgo Among the Aborigines of the West Indies

Although Ricardo Alegria's dated MA thesis at the University of Chicago was written in the 1940s, there are still useful nuggets of information and references to be found. Reflecting the time in which he wrote, Alegria's thesis examines the cacique, or chief, of the Taino of the Antilles as a development that represents the zenith of indigenous Caribbean political organization and culture. This is demonstrated through a lengthy review of the cultural sequences of the pre-colonial Caribbean, encompassing the Archaic, Sub-Taino, Taino, and Caribs. Unsurprisingly, Alegria uses both archaeological and textual sources (mainly the chroniclers, especially Las Casas and Oviedo) to emphasize the unequal, hierarchical aspects of Taino chiefdoms based on social stratification/social class differentiation, religion (including the cemification of deceased H, and administrative functions. 

Like more recent scholars, Alegria identified the clear link between the rise of caciques as paramount chiefs and religion in its more elaborate aspects. Furthermore, material culture demonstrates this through some types of cemis, as well as the burial customs for caciques, their roles as mediators between their subjects and the cemis, and the ceremonial, judicial, diplomatic, and military roles played by caciques. Indeed, if one goes by the chronicles, particularly Las Casas, then at least what Irving Rouse referred to as the "Classic Taino" of Puerto Rico, Hispaniola, and eastern Cuba developed stratified chiefdoms with the clearest evidence for social inequality. Since Oviedo, Las Casas, Enciso, Peter Martyr, Colombus, Pane, and others were either able to witness Taino chiefdoms themselves or, at the bare minimum, receive reports from those who had, one suspects that at least on Hispaniola, and perhaps eastern Cuba, chiefdoms developed that approximated the highly stratified society described by Alegria. Indeed, if one can rely on Las Casas, this must have occurred in areas like eastern Cuba, where the conquering "Taino" enslaved the previous residents, albeit treating the descendants of the conquered groups almost like their own.

Of course, scholarship on the issue has changed with newer excavations, reinterpretations of the Spanish documentary sources, and new techniques and technology used by archaeologists. That said, even the Spanish sources themselves, especially Las Casas, acknowledged that some cacicazgos of the Caribbean were not highly developed polities or lordships ruled by paramount chiefs. And like future scholars, a young Alegria may have correctly observed that possible Mesoamerican influences on the "Taino" reached Hispaniola and Puerto Rico indirectly, via South America. One wonders if recent scholars would suggest that Alegria should have looked more closely at the isthmo-Colombian region here, particularly with regard to guanin. Likewise, one wonders if his assumption that the Ciguayo Indians of Hispaniola spoke another Arawakan language may have been incorrect.